Book of Ryans - After the Famine
Chapter Twelve
For God's sake, let us stop, sir, for we've got no place to go!
I'm sure you wouldn't turn us out in all that blinding snow.
Ah, look at those poor children, sir, they'll soon be left alone;
For God's sake, don't evict us from our little Irish home!
A New Song Entitled the Kerry Eviction
Broadside, Nicholson, Belfast
The discontent associated with England's ability to handle the effects of famine produced several divergent viewpoints among the general population. Throughout Irish history, dissatisfaction usually took the form of revolution, and in each case it ended in disastrous consequences for the native Irish. The Irish were generally ill-equipped to fight a better trained and well-armed British force, and these successive defeats taught the Irish that without adequate military and financial backing, they could not successfully retake their country. This recollection of history convinced many Irish immigrants to channel large contributions of money to the Fenian Society and Irish-American societies, such as the Clan, with the sole purpose of financing political opposition parties in Ireland. Most of these funds were used to force change in the political structure, and in some cases these funds were funneled directly to revolutionary groups whose sole purpose was to cause civil unrest. This revolutionary ferver was openly debated, and one of the more fiery orations delivered was presented by Judge John Ryan, member of the Bodie Chapter of the Land League, during his 1880 speech at Miner's Hall:
"For seven centuries, Ireland has been fighting for liberty...those who have gathered here tonight should not respond as Irishmen, merely, but as citizens of the leading republic of the earth and aid in liberating the oppressed people from English rule." [1]
Irish para-military groups became better prepared for confrontations against the police in Ireland as Irish-Americans contributed heavily to liberate Ireland. Some of this money helped finance an attack that was to occur simultaneously in Dublin, Kerry, Limerick and Tipperary in 1867, but government officials were pre-informed and arrested a number of Fenian leaders, including O'Donovan Rossa, editor of the `Irish Republic' and one of Ireland's most outspoken critics of the government. Daniel Ryan, Superintendent of the G. Division of the Metropolitan Police was responsible for Rossa's capture. He obtained detailed information from Pierce Nagle, a Fenian informant, about the newspaper's operations and names of Fenian leaders, moreover he was able to use this information as a basis for Rossa's arrest. This roundup of Fenians forced them underground, and eventually they split into a number of more radical groups, some of which supported subversive and deadly activities.
Continued financial support for native Irish causes would have a significant impact in Ireland's political affairs. One of the immediate payoffs of this financial support was the passage of the Church Act which confiscated Episcopalian Church property and redistributed these lands to non-church affiliates. The Anglican churches, as expected, were upset over this act, yet this did little to temper the arrogant attitudes of clergy landlords. Complaints continued regarding their abusive land policies, and by 1879, 10,000 people came to one small Irish town to protest the extortionist rents exacted by a local clergyman. Charles Stuart Parnell, a well-respected political figure, also was angered by the abuses of the landed class, and he expressed Ireland's sentiments when he wrote an open declaration to the people of his country:
"You must show the landlords you intend to hold a firm grip on your homesteads and lands. You must now allow yourselves be dispossed as your fathers were dispossessed in 1857." [2]
This was the same year that Parnell founded the National Land League. The League was created to assist the evicted tenants, reduce `rack' rents, help eliminate landlordism, and develop a system to transfer property from the landlord to the small tenant farmers. One of the first efforts of the League was to organize a show of support for a farmer who was evicted from his farm at Balla. Nearly 8,000 showed up at the farm to demonstrate against the landlord. The Land League owed much of its success to Catholic priests whom openly supported the League in their sermons and writings. One such priest was Father Ryan of Timahoe who wrote numerous articles supporting the League. He believed that his Catholic listeners should support League sponsored events, and concluded one of his sermons by saying:
'Therefore, I beg you to be true to the cause, not only to the written law of the League, but be true to its spirit.'[3]
One of the most dramatic demonstrations against landlordism occurred in 1880. Lord Erne decided to significantly increase rents, but he had difficulty getting payment from the farmers who rented his land. Because Erne had difficulty collecting his rents, he hired Captain Boycott to enforce the collection of these payments. Boycott refused the tenants requests to pay a fair price for annual rental, and he evicted tenants wholesale from their farms when payments were not rendered. In his defense, though, he tried to work out special arrangements before the evictions occurred, and only turned to eviction when his offers were flatly refused. Later when the farms were ready for harvest, everyone disappeared from the local villages; and consequently, the crops wasted in the fields. When Boycott went into town, the local merchants refused to sell him anything or answer even his simplest questions. He also had difficulty in finding anyone to tend to his farm animals. The local population in effect severed him from obtaining local supplies and hiring farm laborers. Financially ruined, he went back to England, and the English language received a new word "boycott" meaning `refusing to have dealings with.'
Between the years 1879 and 1882 alone, it has been estimated that 10,000 evictions took place. These agrarian outrages have been collectively referred to as the `land wars', and defined how the government legislated reforms late in the 19th century. While many peasants saw marginal improvements in their standard of living, it was also a period when the more colorful politicians in parliament bore Irish surnames, so while the English Protestants themselves were more temperate of their Catholic constituents, the Irish Protestants, on the other hand, were more cautious. The Irish also became more visible in medicine, religion and the arts; and some of the more noteworthy that rose to prominence in these circles included Michael Desmond Ryan, Sir Edward Ryan, and Vincent William Ryan.
Michael Desmond Ryan, born in 1816, was the son of Michael Ryan an Irish Doctor from Kilkenny who published numerous articles for medical journals during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Michael Desmond also pursued a medical career, however, he grew disinterested in this profession and progressively gravitated into literature and music. A few of his early successes in literature included 'Christopher among the Mountains' which satirized Dr. Wilson's criticism of 'Childe Harold.' He developed an interest in music, and become a music critic for several London-based newspapers. His musical success led him to write an opera ('Pietro il Grande') which received high acclaim, and wrote lyrics for several well-known musicians including compositions in the songbook 'Songs of Ireland' and 'Sacred Songs and Ballads'. Another Ryan, Richard, also found success in writing literature during this century, although he never reached the same level of acclaim as Michael Desmond Ryan. He wrote several plays and novels, and his work centered around the historical aspects of ancient Irish culture. Some of his works published included 'Eight Ballads on the Superstitions of the Irish Peasantry' (8vo, London, 1822) and 'Biographia Hibernica, a Biographical Dictionary of the Worthies of Ireland, from the earliest periods to the present time' (2 vols. 8vo, London 1819-21).[4]
Sir Edward Ryan, born in 1793 to William Ryan, became chief justice of Bengal and later England's civil-service commissioner. He graduated from Trinity College in Dublin, and in 1826 was appointed to the supreme court in Calcutta and was knighted for his abilities. Five years later he was elevated to chief justice in Bengal, and before returning to England in 1843, it was said of him that, "During his residence in Calcuta he exercised much hospitality and was very popular."[5] In England, he assumed many important roles including an assignment as a judge in the Indian appeals judiciary, assistant controller of the exchequer, and railway commissioner. When England initiated its civil-service commission, he became one of its first commissioners and helped introduce civil service examinations to limit the number of qualified candidates seeking government employment. His contributions for the successful implementation of the civil service commission's mandates had been noted by a number of his peers, as many noted that "during this period Ryan, assisted by his colleagues, was the guiding spirit, performing his duties with a rare tact and sagacity."[6]
Vincent William Ryan was born in 1816 to John Ryan and Harriett Gauvain, daughter of Pierre Gauvain a judge at Alderney. His father was a military man, and three years after he was born, his parents moved to the Maurituis islands, an island group located in the Indian Ocean. Maurituis was originally settled by men of European descent, but slaves from Africa and cheap labor from India soon made the Europeans a minority. As he grew older, he was sent to England to continue his education, and there received his doctorate in theology. After brief assignments as curate in St. Anne's and Edge Hill, he became associated with the Church of England's training institution in London. Within four years, he found himself sailing for the Mauritius islands again, but this time as its first Anglican bishop. His diocese was small and much of his work was devoted to missionary functions, and aside from christening new churches he also devoted a great deal of attention to the schools located in his diocese. His abilities were well noted, and those that knew him commented that, "He held pronounced evangelical views, and had notable power of organisation." [7] These were highlighted by several articles he wrote including 'Lectures on Amos' (London, 1850) and 'The Communion of Saints: a Series of Sermons' (London, 1854). By 1860, bishop Ryan returned to England to continue his religious profession until his death in 1888.
1890 Ireland Census
God gave every people a nation,
'Tis the will of our people to see,
That Ireland shall be for the Irish,
Blessed, glorious, great, happy, and FREE;
There still is a land where there's refuge,
And some of our old Irish race,
Who, if not deceived by their leaders,
They ne'er will the shamrock disgrace.
The Troubles of Erin
National Library of Ireland
Most of the families named Ryan descend from the O'Maoilrians whose ancestral home was located in northern Tipperary in the ancient territories of Owney (Uaithne) and Borrisoleigh. The O'Maiolrians were also highly concentrated in Limerick County as noted by the census figures of 1890 and 1990. Today the most common surname in both Limerick and Tipperary is Ryan and O'Ryan. There are about four times as many persons named Ryan in Tipperary as there are with any of the next three commonest names - Maher, O'Brien, and Kennedy. In descending order of numerical strength after these four surnames are Dwyer (and O'Dwyer), Hogan, Hayes, Gleeson, McGrath, Walsh, Kelly (and O'Kelly), and Lonergan. In Limerick, the commonest surnames after Ryan in numerical order are O'Brien, Fitzgerald, Sullivan, Hayes, Walsh, Collins, O'Connell, Moloney, O'Connor, Lynch, McNamara, O'Donnell and Ahern.
The Ryans have not always enjoyed superior numbers in these territories. The 1654 survey showed that the Ryans were not the largest family group living in Limerick and Tipperary; however, by the 1890 census figures, the Ryan surname was dominant in many sections of Tipperary and Limerick. Petty's census takers had recorded 715 Ryans after 1650 which probably reflected only the heads of households. Breaking down this number further, Munster recorded 473, Leinster showed 180, Connaught 49 heads of household, and Ulster recorded 13 Ryans.[8] Other families such as the O'Kennedys, O'Carrolls, and O'Briens recorded larger numbers in the census. There are several theories which suggest why the Ryans grew so numerous in Limerick and upper Tipperary over the past 300 years, but it is probable that not all Ryans were counted in the original survey as they were 'mountain men' who lived in the dangerous wilderness of the Keeper Mountains.
20th Century Ireland
"To satirize the foilies of humanity is to
insult the Irish nation, because the Irish
nation is, in fact, the human race, and has
no foilies and stands there pure and
beautiful and saintly to be externally
oppressed by England and collected for by
the clan."
George Bernard Shaw
The end of the 19th century was relatively quiet with the exception of sporadic agrarian disputes in Southern Ireland. One of the leading land agitators during this period was the Reverend Mathew Ryan, also known as `the General.' He was born in Kilduff, County Limerick, and while a curate for the parish of Lattin in County Tipperary, became active in the Land League sometime after 1876. He was later assigned a ministry at Hospital, County Limerick, and found himself actively involved in the campaign for fair rentals at the Herberstown estate. He called upon the tenants to deliver their rents to him, and in turn Father Ryan refused to pay the collected rental moneys to the state. He refused to disclose how the money was spent (if it was spent at all), and consequently he was sentenced to two months in prison for contempt of court. Father Ryan was sent to Limerick prison after he refused to wear prison clothing instead of his clerical robes. After his prison sentence, he was assigned as curate in Solohead, County Tipperary; and later became Vice President of the Gaelic League which he held for many years.
This period has been characterized as a revitalization of Irish nationalism which was both pro-Catholic and Anglo-phobic. As the century progressed radical factions and political parties developed to express sentiments of nationalism - the Irish Protestants and Ulster unionists sided with England, and the Catholic Church and the Gaelic League (one of its objectives was to revise the Gaelic language) demanded separation from Britain. Conflicts were commonplace, but one of the more intriguing events was an attempt to snub Queen Victoria's visit to Ireland by the Inghinidhe na hEireann, or Daughters of Erin. Queen Victoria, called the Famine Queen by the Daughters, visited Ireland in 1900, and one of the events her supporters organized was a children's party that she was to host. The Daughters also decided to give a children's party on the same day to protest her visit. The Queen's party attracted 15,000 children, while the Daughters of Erin party hosted over 20,000 children.
The effect of this new nationalism spread among organizations like the Catholic Association of America. While many organizations sought peaceful initiatives to restore Catholic freedoms, this association actively perused the destruction of Protestant influence inside Ireland. Another organization supporting political change was the United Irish League of America, the chief American group supporting Home Rule for Ireland, and their principle role was to seek contributions for the Irish Parliamentary party. The UILA was founded in 1901 by John Redmond and it was later headed by Michael J. Ryan, a Philadelphia Banker and its long-time President. This American body's objective was to solicit donations from wealthy American Irishmen. By 1902 over 200 branches were spread throughout America, and within a few years they had sent over 50,000 pounds, or roughly $100,000 dollars, to groups supporting Irish independence, especially organizations supporting Home Rule. The Home Rule movement began in 1886 by Charles Stuart Parnell and William Gladstone whose aim was to achieve limited self-government, and because they pressed for land reforms, home rule had a strong appeal for the American Irish.
This view of nationalism was not universally shared among its American supporters. Several influential Gaelic League members, such as D.P. Morgan and W.P. Ryan, denounced mainstream nationalistic rhetoric as "bucketsfull of trash"[9]. They also criticized church leaders whom they believed were responsible for making "Irish local life a dreary desert."[10] In addition, many affluent Americans such as Thomas Fortune Ryan, then one of America's richest men, viewed the United Irish League as another socialist organization whose aim was to destroy capitalism. Ireland's destiny seemed uncertain because everyone had differing opinions on how to achieve equality for Irish citizens, but the demand for change appeared inevitable.
This wave of nationalistic sentiment was put to the test during the Boer War in 1900. The war was very unpopular in Ireland because it served no strategic importance, and government leaders did not hide the real reason which was to protect English gold miners in the Transvaals. The Dutch farmers, or Boers, wanted to mediate a settlement with the Uitanders, but after unsuccessfully negotiating a treaty, they and other members of the Orange Free State declared war against Britain. The Boers' initial victories generated anti-war unrest in the British kingdom, and in reaction Britain sent more troops to the Transvaals. The King's armies contained a sizeable population of Irish men, and as Roland Shickerling noted
"You could not pick Patrick out of a herd of the wildest Boers. there were field cornets bearing the names of Kelly and O'Brien. This little band of men could curse like heretics, and their profanity was times quite picturesque."[11]
After two years of fighting, the citizens of England and Ireland grew tired of the government's involvement in South Africa, and the continued fighting only accelerated their dislike for their protracted military involvement. Ireland's citizens began demanding that their countrymen be sent home. Even the Catholic gangs of Belfast protested the war by assuming the names of Boer Generals, such as 'General Botha' gang. As Byron Farwell, author of "The Great Anglo-Boer War", would later comment, "Only the Irish nationalist dared to damn the British army and openly cheer Boer victories."[12] Americans of Irish descent also enlisted as mercenaries with the Boers to fight England's involvement in the Transvaals.
The Land Act was signed a year after the Boer war ended, and in 1909 a secondary act was legislated to deal with the farm unrest in western Ireland. Before the Land Act's passage there were 500,000 tenant farmers in Ireland, and by 1923 over two million acres had been purchased and redistributed to the general population. The conclusion of the Boer War had another significant impact in Ireland's history - it changed the island's political direction forever. Greater numbers of citizens rallied behind populist organizations seeking independence from England, and parliament's attempt to save face by sending more men to the Transvaals galvanized a population that finally said 'enough is enough.' The changes were radical as para-military groups such as the IRA and its political organ, the Sinn Fienn meaning 'ourselves', dramatically increased its membership to protest England's continued involvement in South Africa.
Several events mobilized patriotic movements within Ireland, although the promotion of Home Rule was perhaps the most influential. Home Rule was endorsed by many Gaelic organizations including the Catholic Church, but was rejected by England in 1912. England was unsure how to split northern Ireland from its southern half, and it would not be until 1914, after the nine counties were identified, that England would listen to pleas concerning Home Rule. The proposal to separate Ireland was very unpopular, and the only reason that a revolution failed to occur was because Germany declared war on its European neighbors.